On Tuesday the 3rd of December, President Yoon’s attempt in South Korea to impose an ‘invalid’ and undemocratic martial law on the country solidified the idea that democratic backsliding has gone global. This threw the country into a political crisis, eroding the trust in the governing party, and shaking the foundations of conservatism in the country. As with Yoon’s impeachment, both conservative party leaders have now attempted to undermine the democratic system. Yet, while political chaos has descended on Seoul, the spirit of democracy still seems to reign stronger in South Korea than in many countries across the West. 

 

The attempt for Yoon to push through the martial law, to allow for the use of the military against ‘anti-state’ forces, has profoundly shaken the ontological security and national identity of the people in South Korea. They are reminded of an authoritarian past that they have tried hard to leave behind, in favour of a democratic state. South Korea now sees itself as a vibrant democracy; the martial law is a ghost of their authoritarian past,  an echo of 1979 and it’s anti-democratic regime. 

 […] an echo of 1979 and it’s anti-democratic regime

 

Yoon has undermined the democratic institutions in the country and  profoundly damaged the trust between the government and the people. Trust which is the main requirement for stable democracies, bringing together the political elite and the people. This has led to the President’s impeachment, on Saturday the 14th of December, on claims that his attempts to remove the 150 lawmakers was a forceful overthrow of government organs. Prior to the impeachment, there were concerns about Yoon’s leadership in South Korea. Civicus warned of declining civil liberties since Yoon took office in 2022, and the V-Dem Institute had decreased their ranking as a liberal democracy from 17th in 2021 to 47th in 2024. This has come alongside concerns about Yoon’s appointment of ‘high-school classmates’ to security, defense and counter intelligence positions. Yet, this is not limited to Yoon as the leader of the Opposition, Mr. Lee has also faced trials on criminal charges and corruption, thus showing that perhaps democracy in South Korea is much weaker than it appeared. 

 

This democratic backsliding has had implications on the democratic standing of South Korea, with implications for the stability of the region. In 2023, US President Joe Biden met at Camp David with President Yoon and the Prime Minister of Japan (Fumio Kishida); a cornerstone of geopolitical stability, promoting liberal democracy in the region against the ‘authoritarian’ and anti-western forces of China and North Korea. Yet, this has been unravelling since the events in early December, as meetings on nuclear defense have been postponed until they are clear on what ‘Mr Yoon’s future is’. With the impeachment of Yoon, and the possibility of the rule of Lee Jae-myung (the leader of the opposition), there could soon be a crumbling of this alliance. There is a certainty that the ‘progressives’ (The party of Mr. Lee) in South Korea will not be supportive of US relationships, and instead will rebuild their relationship with China.

 

This comes at the centre of a precarious moment, a moment that requires careful decision making from the US, to either support or leave behind the liberal international order. As with the ascension of Trump, there is a choice being made, either to retreat back to national security and regional stability, or to strengthen cross-regional relationships in defense of Liberal values. The loss of this partnership will pave the way for greater military power and dominance of China, without a clear role for the US in the region. 

The South Korean people have made their decision, they still crave and desire democracy

 

There is a decision to be made, not just in South Korea, but across democracies globally. Will we allow democratic backsliding, cronyism and the normalisation of legislative dictatorship, or do we want to commit to the protection of the democratic order? 

The South Korean people have made their decision, they still crave and desire democracy. Civilians have protested to hold politicians accountable, to strengthen the nation’s political system and to safeguard liberal democracy in the region. What is fascinating to me, is that compared to the populist uprisings and illiberal forces in the West, the citizens of South Korea have shown themselves to be far more emotionally charged against democratic backsliding. The ‘liberal’ West, in comparison, has allowed for a smooth ascension of anti-democratic, right-wing leaders. Nevertheless, democracy is in decline in South Korea, as even the resistance to Yoon’s reforms look unable to preserve the stability of their democratic state for much longer. With the fall of democracy in South Korea, the vacuum left in East Asia will fundamentally change geopolitical relationships, giving much more power to China and North Korea. Therefore the power of illiberal democracy may be growing much faster than we thought.

 

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